MA Andrea Matijević

Dans cet article, les auteurs tentent de présenter systématiquement l'évolution des relations économiques entre la Serbie et la France. Pour cela, les auteurs partent d'une revue de l'histoire des relations économiques, nécessaire à la compréhension du contexte contemporain. La revue historique comprend une analyse des relations économiques entre la Serbie et la France à travers les étapes suivantes : 1. 1878-1918 ; 2. 1918-1939 ; 3. 1945-1991, et 4. 1991-2000. Les tendances contemporaines sont examinées pour la période allant des changements politiques en Serbie en 2000 jusqu’au 2020. L'histoire des relations économiques indique l'importance du niveau de coopération économique pour le caractère des relations politiques globales entre les États. Presque en règle générale, on peut remarquer qu'un niveau plus élevé de coopération économique a entraîné l'amélioration des relations politiques entre les deux pays, et vice versa, et que les années ’90 représentent la période des relations économiques et politiques les plus faibles de l'histoire de relations entre la Serbie et la France. Avec ce niveau de relations économiques, on est entrée en un nouveau millénaire. L'observation de la période postérieure aux années 2000 indique cependant l'amélioration des relations économiques entre les deux pays, observée à travers les relations de commerce extérieur et le mouvement des investissements directs étrangers (IDE). La base de l'amélioration des relations est la libéralisation des relations commerciales entre la Serbie et l'Union européenne (UE) réalisée par la conclusion de l'Accord de stabilisation et d'association (ASA), ainsi que l'arrivée d'entreprises françaises en Serbie, qui a été lancée au début des années 2000 avec l'ouverture de l'économie serbe. Cette évolution est à la base d'attentes optimistes quant à une coopération économique productive entre les deux pays dans les années à venir.

Globalna finansijska kriza iz 2008. godine suočila je svet sa novom realnošću. Period zatišja i saniranja posledica ove krize dodatno je potvrdio izvesnost sumnji o umanjenoj globalnoj ekonomskoj dominaciji SAD. Priznanje značaja rastućih ekonomija i njihove uloge na svetskom nivou postala je neminovnost. Pre svega, takav značaj se morao priznati Kini, a čini se da je ova kriza bila neophodna da bi uspon i razvoj Kine bio napokon prihvaćen kao nesporna činjenica. Nakon krize, na globalnom nivou je uspostavljen konsenzus o tome da Kina više ne može biti posmatrana kao akter na marginama svetskih ekonomskih procesa, već kao jedan od najvažnijih aktera u međunarodnim ekonomskim odnosima.

Starting from different theories of economic growth, the author aims to show that the growth of economic inequality is one of the significant factors influencing economic growth. There are numerous studies that analyse the impact of economic growth on economic inequality. Relatively less attention is devoted to the analysis of the relationship of these two phenomena in the opposite direction. The basic assumption from which the author starts is that, if we look at the impact of economic inequality on economic growth, this relationship cannot be so simply determined and given as final.Therefore, the paper tries to examine which are the channels of the impact of inequality growth on economic growth, whether this impact is direct or indirect. On the example of the United States, the author discusses the causes of the growth of inequality, as well as the causes of the slowdown in economic growth. The paper tries to prove that economic inequality is a factor limiting the economic growth of the United States. The paper shows that, generally speaking, the existence of conflicting views on the impact of economic inequality on economic growth is a consequence of different results if this relationship is observed in the short (5-10 years) and long period (25-30 years). Regarding the case of the U.S. starting from the analysis of the causes of growing inequality and, for that cause, identifying the main consequences of the politics of deregulation and liberalization, the author summarizes the conclusions of the studies conducted in the U.S. about the relationship of economic inequalities and economic growth and provides the analysis of statistical data about percentage changes of the Gini coefficient for the period 1974-2016 and the growth in BDP per capita for the period 1974-2019. in the U.S. The author concludes with emphasizing that despite of tax cuts and market reforms, the U.S. did not reach high levels of economic growth during the 1980s, nor in the later period. The quality of life of lower-income citizens is threatened by the reduction of welfare state costs and infrastructure costs. The overall result was an increase in inequality and a slowdown in economic growth, i.e. keeping the economic growth rate low.

In the process of negotiations for accession to the European Union, Serbia faces numerous challenges and obstacles. According to numerous estimates, the negotiations on the policies covered by Chapter 27 will be among the most demanding in the entire negotiation process. The aim of this paper is to examine whether such assessments are justified and what specifically leads to such conclusions. For these purposes, the paper initially starts from the presentation of the basic goals and principles of environmental policy at the level of the European Union, as well as the achievements of the EU in the field of ecology, in order to see the direction of unification and / or harmonization of legal framework and public policies of Serbia with the EU policy in this area. The paper continues with the review of the situation in Serbia in the field of these public policies, as well as a review of the situation on the ground. The paper also addresses the problems and scope of environmental policy in Serbia and analyses the specific activities undertaken by the stakeholders in Serbia. As key challenges in this area, the author identifies the problem of implementation and the problem of funding, which is argued in the paper. The concluding remarks are dedicated to the tasks that the EU expects from Serbia to fulfill in the coming period and the analysis of expectations regarding Serbia's progress in this area, which is certainly necessary if Serbia wants to become an EU member in the foreseeable future.

The main focus of this paper is to show that the previously defined positions of EU Member states on the consequences of potential EU enlargement to the Western Balkans and changes in the methodology of enlargement policy, proposed in November 2019 and adopted in February 2020, are causally related. In addition, the paper tries to show the character of this causal connection. For this purpose, the paper initially starts from the definition of theoretical concepts - the concept of enlargement policy, the theoretical implications of enlargement policy on EU engagement in the previous period, with reference to the methodology of enlargement policy before its latest changes. The second part is dedicated to the analysis of the positions of Member states on enlargement after the accession of the Republic of Croatia in 2013, as well as to the determination of the importance Member states’ positions for EU enlargement in general. These parts of the paper have shown that the evolving nature of enlargement policy had given the Member states greater significance which they consequently had used to create even more complicated rules of enlargement policy. Also, these parts of the paper have shown that we can not examine the EU position towards further enlargement in monolithic terms, and that every country has its specific views about this subject, which is shaped by specific national interests. The third part reviews the new methodology of enlargement policy аnd gives a framework conclusion about the potential implications that the application of this methodology could have in the future. This part of the paper also tries to summarize the impact of the positions of the Member states have had on the new methodology. It stresses that we have to bear in mind that the position of the country which passed the notion for the new methodology (France) is currently for the deepening of the European integration rather than the enlargement itself, and that this fact most notably affects the implications of the new enlargement methodology. The concluding remarks are dedicated to the argumentation of the significance of this issue for the expectations of the Western Balkan countries and the perspectives of their membership in EU. In these remarks author emphasizes that this new methodology of EU enlargement perhaps announces the introduction of some form of incomplete membership, and that this would not be a constructive solution neither for EU nor for the candidate states.