Institute for Political Studies, Belgrade
NATIONAL MODEL OF DUAL EDUCATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA Normative and institutional framework, implementation, challenges, problems and risks
Dual education is a form of secondary vocational education, and duality implies that education and training are implemented in two places, at school and at the employer, i.e. at the training center that corresponds to the certain job. The dual model of education in the Republic of Serbia is not a rewritten law from some country with examples of good practice; but adopted in accordance with the education system of our country, its social, institutional, economic and economic frameworks. This model of education in the Republic of Serbia is currently a voluntary model and every student can return to the classical model of learning at any time. The law was adopted in 2017, and its full implementation started in 2019. The implementation of dual education requires greater resources than those currently available, there is a lack of staff, expertise and funding in the process of implementation of dual model of education. It is necessary to provide more information to all actors and stakeholders and involve them in the process itself. Around 2,600 students enrolled in the first grade based on the dual model, and according to internal data from the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, there are around 7,000 students in the dual education system and 37 dual education profiles, 104 schools and 460 companies that will implement work-based learning, and around 900 companies are involved.
ANTI-SYSTEM MOVEMENTS IN SERBIA AS AN ILLUSION OF POLITICAL PARTIES Analysis during the election years from 2014 to 2018: Dosta je bilo, Pokret slobodnih građana, Beli - samo jako, Ne da(vi)mo Beograd
New movements direct their actions towards civilian authorities and politicians who have the power to realize the goals of the movement, but there is often a conflict between the movement and the government, that is, between the movement and the established society that the authorities represent. These movements believe that political establishment has failed and that they can no longer represent satisfactory solutions to demanding political problems. The three most important approaches of social theories recognize the following concepts: the concept of resource mobilization and the concept of structures of political opportunities and the concept of framing. The relative success of the revolt against the establishment ultimately depends on the ability of political actors to convince potential supporters that they really stand against the power elite, and that they are not part of the power elite structure or some kind of insiders. The success of a movement depends on the broad acceptance of the message, and the acceptance of the message will depend on how well it fits into the perception of reality or how well the perception can be manipulated. However, only at the beginning, it seemed in Serbia that these new movements would be heralds of new political trends and a new light into the existing system. They actually profited only from the weakening of certain opposition parties or unions, but short-lived. They failed and could not establish a permanent organization and structure, a single membership and program.
FIRST EXIT POLL IN SERBIA: THE CASE OF VOŽDOVAC
In this paper we will present the results and analysis of the first exit poll that has been done in Serbia, or more precisely, in Belgrade municipality of Voždovac. During election day of the 2020 Serbian parliamentary election, we collected data from 2969 respondents in 40 voting spots. We applied number of statistical and data collection procedures in order to improve precision of predication. The collected data provided the evidence of a very accurate prediction. Beside the prediction of election results, we collected demographic data, as well as data of the timing of the making the decision to vote. Therefore, for the explorative purposes we present that data in the paper. We found significant differences among demographic categories regarding party/electoral list preferences. Additionally, we identify different patterns between SNS and Šapić voters, i.e. we found that SNS voters mostly decided to vote for this list a long time ago, while Šapić voters mostly decided to vote for this electoral list a few days before the elections. In conclusion, we discuss the possible reasons of such pattern.
REPRESENTATION OF NATIONAL MINORITIES IN THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA FROM 2000. TO 2020.
In order for a parliament to be considered democratic, the basic function it needs to satisfy is to adequately perform a representative function, i.e. to adequately represent the citizens of a country. It should also meet another criterion - to reflect the social diversity of the population in terms of gender, language, religion, ethnicity or some other politically important characteristics. There should be mechanisms that would give additional rights to the representatives of minority groups in parliament in order to work on an equal basis and the representative function they perform. The affirmative action, i.e. the amendment of the law and the establishment of the natural threshold for national minorities, enabled them to enter the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia on independent lists for the first time. What has been noticeable in all convocations since 2000 is that Roma minority list has achieved any significant results, although the Roma national minority is the second largest in Serbia, right after Hungarians. One of the conclusions was that territorial dispersion has an impact on this, although the low level of education of the Roma population can be added to this consideration. Other minorities had a relatively good representation in parliament. National minorities are included in almost all committees and are relatively well represented.