Jelena Todorović Lazić

Au cœur de l'analyse du discours appliqué à ce travail scientifique se trouve la notion des Balkans occidentaux, c'est-à-dire son apparition dans le quotidien français Le Monde dans la période du 1er juillet 2013 au 31 décembre 2020. L'analyse a été menée en recherchant dans les archives les mots clés mentionnés : les Balkans occidentaux, les Balkans, la Serbie, la Macédoine (du Nord), l’Albanie, la Bosnie-Herzégovine, le Monténégro, le Kosovo*, l’élargissement de l'UE. Sur la base de ces recherches, 58 textes ont été publiés (les textes faisant référence à la rubrique sport n'ont pas été retenus dans l'analyse finale). Afin de fournir une interprétation complète, le document a également utilisé une analyse contextuelle en présentant les attitudes de la France et de l'UE envers les Balkans occidentaux au cours de la période observée. La première chose que l'on peut remarquer est que dans les textes analysés deux points de vue s'entremêlent : le point de vue de la France et le point de vue de l'Union européenne, on peut même conclure que le point de vue de l'Union européenne est plus visible, parce qu’il a été publié plusieurs textes dans lesquels la région est vue dans une perspective européenne, qu'il s'agisse de l'élargissement de l'Union ou de la crise des migrants et de la route des Balkans. En ce qui concerne le point de vue français sur les Balkans occidentaux, on peut observer deux périodes dans cette période : de 2013 à 2017 et de 2017 à 2020. Ces deux périodes correspondent aux mandats présidentiels de François Hollande et Emanuel Macron. Pour l'administration de François Hollande, les Balkans occidentaux étaient au second plan, ce qui est confirmé par le nombre de textes publiés, à savoir, 23. La raison pour laquelle cette région est venue occasionnellement à l'agenda de l'Elysée est la crise des migrants et la situation sur la route des Balkans, mais le président français a suivi le point de vue de l'Allemagne sur ces questions, ainsi que des tentatives infructueuses de mettre en œuvre une politique européenne commune à l'égard des demandeurs d'asile. A partir de la mi-2017, nous entrons dans la deuxième période où Emanuel Macron prendra la tête de l'administration. Avec lui, il s'ouvre un nouveau chapitre dans les relations entre la France et cette région, c'est-à-dire mettre la région au centre de l'attention. En plus de la nouvelle vision française des Balkans occidentaux, nous avons également une nouvelle vision française de l'élargissement de l'UE à travers l'insistance de Macron sur l'adoption d'une nouvelle méthodologie d'élargissement, qui a finalement été adoptée par la Commission européenne en 2020. Le retour des Balkans occidentaux au centre de l'administration française est confirmé par l'augmentation du nombre de textes publiés dans la deuxième période de mai 2017 à décembre 2020 - un total de 35.

The first among Green parties in Serbia was founded in 1990, after their foundation we can notice something like "flourishing" of the Green parties because in 2009, 26 parties of this type were registered in Serbia. Today, we can find five such parties in the Register of political parties. In recent years, we have witnessed changes on the scene of Greens because two parties managed to reach the Serbian Parliament, by winning one or two mandates. The period that is the most successful for the Green parties in Serbia so far is the one between 2016 and 2020, when as many as three deputies representing the Green parties were registered in the Serbian Parliament. However, although this is a step forward, these parties have no real influence on the formulation and implementation of environmental policy in Serbia. The Greens in Serbia have gone through the long path of division and transformation, we can notice that they don't differ much from other political parties that appeared and disappeared on the party scene of Serbia in the observed period (1990⸻2020). Unlike most developed EU countries, whose citizens have recognized long time ago the importance of environmental issues (this is reflected not only in the level of environmental awareness but also in the number of mandates that Green parties win regularly in the national elections), this is unfortunately not the case in Serbia. The number of Greens is constantly growing in national Parliaments across European Union countries, but also the number of their deputies in the European Parliament has increased recently (in the 2019 European Parliament elections, the Green Party coalition won 68 seats, 20 seats more than in 2014). Changing the environmental awareness of Serbian citizens is one of the main preconditions for a successful environmental policy. The lack of environmental awareness is manifested both in the number of illegal landfills in which Serbia leads in Europe, and also, in the lack of interest in participating in the process of creating environmental regulations in accordance with the procedures prescribed by EU Directives. In general, the problem is the lack of a participatory political culture that is necessary to change environmental policy. The change in environmental awareness, together with the development of a participatory political culture, would have a positive impact on Serbia's environmental policy.

Euroscepticism is a heterogeneous and dynamic phenomenon. With each new phase in the European Union development (former European Communities), its main focus has been changed – from the attacks on the idea of European citizenship to the opposition to the common currency and immigration policy, and even to the critique of the overall idea of European integration. Nationalism, cultural, political and economic reasons are the main source of mistrust and reluctance towards the EU. It should be emphasized that the experience and interpretation of the phenomenon is different from the views of Member States and Candidate States, in the first case, Euroscepticism is linked with the historical development of the EU, in the second case, Euroscepticism is far more complex. Euroscepticism in Serbia has many causes. First and most obvious is Euroscepticism caused by a pre-accession strategy. Discontent in Candidate States has been created due to long-term negotiations and policy of conditionality. The gap between the high motivation of these states wishing to become EU members and reality, contributes to increasing euroscepticism. There is fear of the spread of the negative consequences of liberalized trade, such as: the lack of competitiveness of domestic companies, the loss of jobs. In addition, it is worth mentioning: low standard of living, inability to participate in decision-making in the EU and fear of losing national and cultural identity. In transition countries that have recently become Member States (or are currently in the process of negotiating such as Serbia), the problem did not originate from the existence of one or two political parties that oppose the entrance into the EU, but fostering so called popular Euroscepticism. Emphasized people’s discontent with the situation in the country and the EUʼs pressure to accelerate costly reforms is an additional element of uncertainty about joining the EU. Messages coming from Brussels are perceived as permanent conditioning, humiliation of Serbia, jeopardizing its identity. One of the causes of negative attitudes about the EU is primarily that citizens are either poorly informed or not informed at all. It is important to take into account all sources of Euroscepticism in order to influence the rational perception of the EU, which is possible only with the continuous dissemination of information on the functioning of the EU.

Book review: Zoran Petrovic Piroćanac, Anatomie d'une auto-dégradation La Serbie et l'ascension de Slobodan Milosevic (1982 - 1992), L’Harmattan, Paris, 2011, 302 p.